Part of the 1917 Constitution, it is a law that protects the person who files for one. It is a judicial review of government/state action. I think in class he was referring to them in the sense that people who were breaking laws could find a judge who would grant them amparos for what they wanted to do.

It’s a philosophy about, in Mexico’s case, progress and education. Porfirio and his cientificos thought progress must be scientific in nature.

cientificos existed during porfirio diaz reign to help him progress the country further. see pointy headed intellectuals. nationalize alot of country. 

Technocratic advisors of Díaz. They were led by Limantour with the goal of incorporating Mexico into the modern world system. They often did this through suppression of Indigenous populations. They nationalized much of the foreign built railways.

Military man and President from 1876-1880, after which he willingly stepped down as the law requires, despite immense popularity. He remarried (to an 18-year-old) and ran for presidency again in 1884. He won and this time became dictator and remained in power until he was overthrown in 1911.    

anarchist brothers Ricardo and Enrique (Juan was less active politically but was editor of some of their newspapers). They lead many opposition newspapers and founded the Mexican Liberal Party, which was responsible for many of the strikes and uprisings between 1906-11.   

written by Ricardo Flores Magón, it outlined many ideas that were later picked up by the Constitution of 1917. Some ideas included no child labor or economic injustice, no capital punishment, demanded a return of ejido land, and 8-hour workdays 6 days/week with proper pay. It also emphasized education- secular schools that all children must attend.

Andrés Molina Enríquez (1865 – 1940)[1] was a Mexican positivist sociologist, amateur anthropologist, and former Justice of the Peace in Mexico State.[2][3] Molina Enríquez is best known for publishing Los Grandes Problemas Nacionales (English: The Great National Problems), in 1909,[4] which is noted as a being highly critical of Porfirio Díaz government.[5] Molina Enríquez characterized the period after 1821 as the era of national disintegration. Los Grandes Problemas Nacionales highlighted issues of political sharp divisions, recurrent armed conflicts, and periodic foreign interventions.[6] Molina Enríquez focused particularly on two aspects, land reform and the rights of the indigenous people and their place in society socially. Molina Enríquez was arrested by the government of Francisco León de la Barra on August 25, 1911 for publishing the document, which has later been described as highly influential on the eve of the Mexican Revolution.[1][7]

property, territorial claim, irrigation, population, politics

written by Madero while in exile in Texas, it ushered in the Revolution. Madero called for democracy at the hands of the Mexican people through violent and direct action on Sunday, Nov 20, 1910. This plan also established a PRI-dominated republic.

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A leading figure in the revolution, he led the Liberation Army of the South, fighting for Madero. However after Madero became president he realized Madero was not instituting the land reforms Zapata was fighting for (outlined in the plan de ayala) and in the end turned to fight against Madero. He is a hero to the farmers and indigenous in the South to this day, thought it is still argued whether he was a revolutionary or a bandit. Carranza supporters ultimately ambushed and killed him in 1919.

Another leading revolutionary figure, he led the Division of the North against Díaz. During the ensuing rebellion against Madero, he fought alongside Huerta to defend Madero, but then Villa began to hate Huerta. After Huerta gained power, Villa fought alongside many others (including Zapata and Obrigón) in support of Carranza. Villa was known to take hacienda land and redistribute it himself. He also robbed and stole trains. He invaded New Mexico on several occasions and General Pershing tried to capture Villa, but after a year in pursuit he couldn’t catch him.

This was part of the Bucareli Agreement: Mexico agreed that if a foreign enterprise improved the land (in the case of oil, by installing oil drilling equipment), the company's holdings would not be nationalized (which the Constitution of 1917 would have allowed Mexico to do).

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Madero, setting about to organize a national party to compete in the 1910 elections, published La sucesión presidencial en 1910 (1908; “The Presidential Succession in 1910”) as a campaign document, two-thirds of which dealt with the history of Mexico and the corrupting influences of absolute power and the rest with his program to revive the democracy that had atrophied for so long. Despite harassment, Madero carried on a vigorous and wearying campaign in the summer of 1909. During an interview with Díaz, he was surprised by the dictator’s remoteness from current issues. On the other hand, Madero’s campaign speeches were well received and a source of encouragement to the Anti-Reelectionists.

A Mexican anarchist newspaper published by the three Magón brothers (official of the Mexican Liberal Party). One example of something it did was call for the nationalization of the railway systems because it was stripping Mexico of potential profits for reinvestment and development.

Obregon confirms nonretroactivity; goes back to Article 27 (he pays expropriations to US landholders in Mexico) and also agrees not to get in the way of current foreign investments in oil; the US in turn gives recognition to the Obregon government

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It was a document drafted by Zapata during the Mexican Revolution. In it, Zapata denounced President Madero for his perceived betrayal of the revolutionary ideals, embodied in Madero's Plan de San Luis, and set out his vision of land reform. The Plan was first proclaimed on November 25, 1911 in the town of Ayala, Morelos, and was later amended on June 19, 1914.

The main points in the Plan were:

* Rejection of Madero's presidency and a call for free elections once the situation in the country had stabilized;

* Naming of Pascual Orozco as the legitimate leader of the Revolution;

* Devolution of land and property to townships and citizens, as opposed to being owned by large hacendados;

* Confirmation of the agrarian nature of the Revolution.