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| Negative emotional responses based on group membership |
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| differential (usually negative) behaviors directed toward members of different social groups |
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| we weigh possible losses as more heavily than equivalent potential gains. As a result, we respond more negatively to changes that are framed as potential gains |
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| beliefs about social groups in terms of the traits or characteristics that they are believed to share. Stereotypes are cognitive frameworks that influence the processing of social information |
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| stereotypes concerning the traits possessed by females and males and that distinguish the two genders from each other |
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| barriers based on attitudinal or organizational bias that prevent qualified females from advancing to top-level positions |
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| choosing women for leadership positions that are risky,precarious or when the outcome is more likely to result in failure |
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| objectification of females |
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| Regarding them as mere bodies that exist for the pleasure of others |
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| can refer to hiring based on group membership. It can concern a numerically infrequent presence of members of a particular category or it can refer to instances where individuals perform trivial positive actions for members of these groups. |
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| When we use one group as the standard but shift to use another group as the comparison standard when judging members of a different group |
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| Those with measurement units that are tied to external reality so that they mean the same thing regardless of category membership. |
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| response scales that are open to interpretation and lack an externally grounded referent, including scales labeled from good to bad or weak to strong. They are said to be subjective because they can take on different meanings depending on the group membership of the person being evaluated. |
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| Negative stereotyping and discrimination directed toward people who are single |
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| a subset of a group that is not consistent with the stereotype of the group as a whole |
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| Typically some biologically based feature that is used to distinguish one group and another; frequently can serve as justification for the differential treatment of those groups. |
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| When we are categorized into different groups based on some "minimal" criteria we tend to favor others who are categorized in the same group as ourselves compared to those categorized as members of a different group |
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| those feelings induced separately or before a target is encountered; as a result, those feelings are irrelevant to the group being judged but can still affect judgments of the target. |
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| links between group membership and trait associations or evaluations that the perceiver may be unaware of. They can be activated autoatically based on the group membership of a target. |
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| it primarily concerns fear that our group interests will be undermined or our self-esteem is in jeopardy. |
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| those that only one person or group can have. So, if one group gets them, the other group can't |
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| realistic conflict theory |
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| The view that prejudice stems fro direct competition between various social groups over scarce and valued resources |
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| those that can only be achieved by cooperation between groups. |
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| A theory concerned with the consequences of perceiving ourselves as a member of a social group and identifying with it |
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| More subtle beliefs than blatant feelings of superiority. It consists primarily of thinking minorities are seeking and receiving more benefits than they deserve and the denial that discrimination affects their outcomes |
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| A technique that uses priming to measure implicit racial attitudes |
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| the emotion that can be experienced when we are confronted with the harmful actions done by our ingroup against an outgroup. It is most likely to be experienced when the harmful actions are seen as illegitimate |
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Definition
| No longer seeing sanctioning as necessary for perpetrating harm that has been legitimized |
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| social learning view (of prejudice) |
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Definition
| the view that prejudice is acquired through direct and vicarious experiences in much the same manner as other attitudes. |
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| the view that increased contact between members of various social groups can be effective in reducing prejudice between them. |
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Definition
| shifts in the boundaries between our ingroup ("us") and some out group ("them"). As a result of such re categorization, people forerly viewed as outgroup members may now be viewed as belonging to the ingroup and consequently are viewed more positively |
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| common ingroup identity model |
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Definition
| A theory suggesting that to the extent individuals in different groups view themselves as embers of a single social entity, intergroup bias will be reduced |
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| efforts by one or more persons to change the behavior, attitudes, or feelings of one or more others. |
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| A type of social influence in which individuals change their attitudes or behavior to adhere to existing social norms |
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| A form of social influence involving direct requests from one person to another |
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| symbolic social influence |
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Definition
| social influence resulting fro the mental representation of others or our relationships with them. |
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| A form of social influence in which one person simply orders one or more others to perform some actions |
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| rules indicating how individuals are expected to behave in specific situations |
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| our belief that social influence plays a smaller role in shaping our own actions than it does in shaping the actions of others. |
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| the apparent movement of a single, stationary source of light in a dark room. Often used to study the emergence of social norms and social influence |
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| the extent to which we are attracted to a social group and want to belong to it |
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| norms simply indicating what most people do in a given situation |
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| norms specifying what ought to be done; what is approved or disapproved behavior in a given situation. |
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| A theory suggesting that norms will influence behavior only to the extent that they are focal for the people involved at the tie the behavior occurs. |
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| normative social influence |
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Definition
| social influence based on the desire to be liked or accepted by other people. |
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| informational social influence |
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Definition
| social influence based on the desire to be correct (i.e., to possess accurate perceptions of the social world). |
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Term
| foot-in-the-door technique |
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Definition
| A procedure for gaining compliance in which requesters begin with a small request and then, when this is granted, escalate to a larger one (the one they actually desired all along) |
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Definition
| A technique for gaining compliance in which an offer or deal is changed to make it less attractive to the target person after this person has accepted it |
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| door-in-the-face technique |
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Definition
| A procedure for gaining compliance in which requesters begin with a large request and then, when this is refused, retreat to a smaller one (the one they actually desired all a long) |
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Term
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Definition
| A technique for gaining compliance in which requesters offer additional benefits to target people before they have decided whether to comply with or reject specific requests |
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| A technique that can be used for increasing compliance by suggesting that a person or object is scarce and hard to obtain |
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Definition
| A technique for increasing compliance in which target people are told that they have only limited time to take advantage of some offer or to obtain some item |
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| the process through which we seek to know and understand other people |
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Definition
| communication between individuals that does not involve the content of spoken language. It relies instead on an unspoken language of facial expressions, eye contact, and body language. |
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| the process through which we seek to identify the causes of others' behavior and so gain knowledge of their stable traits and dispositions. |
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| the process through which we form impressions of others |
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| impression management (self-presentation) |
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Definition
| efforts by individuals to produce favorable first impressions on others |
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| a for of eye contact in which one person continues to gaze steadily at another regardless of what the recipient does |
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| cues provided by the position, posture, and movement of others' bodies or body parts |
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| fleeting facial expressions lasting only a few tenths of a second |
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| aspects of speech apart from the meaning of the words employed |
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| A theory describing how we use others' behavior as a basis for inferring their stable dispositions |
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| effects produced by a particular cause that could not be produced by any other apparent cause |
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| the extent to which other people react to some stimulus or even in the same manner as the person we are considering. |
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| the extent to which an individual responds to a given stimulus or situation in the same way on different occasions |
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| the extent to which an individual responds in the same manner to different stimuli or events |
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Definition
| the level of interpretation we place on an action; low-level interpretations focus on the action itself, while higher-level interpretations focus on its ultimate goals |
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Term
| correspondence bias (fundamental attribution error) |
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Definition
| the tendency to explain others' actions as stemming from dispositions even in the presence of clear situational causes |
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| fundamental attribution error (Correspondence bias) |
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Definition
| the tendency to overestimate the impact of dis positional cues on others' behavior |
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Term
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Definition
| the tendency to attribute our own behavior mainly to situational causes but the behavior of others mainly to internal (dis positional) causes. |
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Definition
| the tendency to attribute positive outcomes to internal causes, but negative outcomes or events to external causes |
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Definition
| refers to small amounts of information about others we use to form first impressions on them. |
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Term
| implicit personality theories |
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Definition
| beliefs about what traits or characteristics tend to go together |
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