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| A motive to increase another's welfare without conscious regard for one's self-interests |
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| Physical or verbal behavior intended to cause harm. In laboratory experiments, this might mean delivering electric shocks or saying something likely to hurt another's feelings. |
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| AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY |
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| A personality that is disposed to favor obedience to authority and intolerance of outgroups and those lower in status. |
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| The finding that a person is less likely to provide help when there are other bystanders |
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| Emotional release. The catharsis view of aggression is that aggressive drive is reduced when one "releases" aggressive energy, either by acting aggressively or by fantasizing aggression. |
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| The affect we feel for those with whom our lives are deeply intertwined. |
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| The popularly supposed tendency, in a relationship between two people, for each to complete what is missing in the other. |
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| The tendency for one person's intimacy of self-disclosure to match that of a conversational partner. |
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| Unjustified negative behavior toward a group or its members. |
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| An avoidant relationship style marked by distrust of others. |
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| The redirection of aggression to a target other than the source of the frustration. Generally, the new target is a safer or more socially acceptable target. |
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| DOOR-IN-THE-FACE TECHNIQUE |
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Definition
| A strategy for gaining a concession in which, after someone first turns down a large request (the door-in-the-face), the same requester counteroffers with a more reasonable request. |
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| A motive (supposedly underlying all behavior) to increase one's own welfare. The opposite of altruism, which aims to increase another's welfare effects of. |
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| The vicarious experience of another's feelings; putting oneself in another's shoes enabling relationship. e |
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| A condition in which the outcomes people receive from a relationship are proportional to what they contribute to it. Note: Equitable outcomes needn't always be equal outcomes. |
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| Believing in the superiority of one's own ethnic and cultural group, and having a corresponding disdain for all other groups. |
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| An avoidant relationship style marked by fear of rejection. |
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Term
| FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION THEORY |
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Definition
| The theory that frustration triggers a readiness to aggress. |
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| The blocking of goal-directed behavior. |
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| Explaining away outgroup members' positive behaviors; also attributing negative behaviors to their dispositions (while excusing such behavior by one's own group). |
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| Aggression driven by anger and performed as an end in itself. |
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| The use of strategies, such as flattery, by which people seek to gain another's favor. |
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| "Us"- a group of people who share a sense of belonging, a feeling of common identity. |
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| The tendency to favor one's own group cause of conflict. |
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| An innate, unlearned behavior pattern exhibited by all members of a species. |
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| Aggression that is a means to some other end. |
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| The tendency of people to believe that the world is just and that people therefore get what they deserve and deserve what they get. |
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| The idea that evolution has selected altruism toward one's close relatives to enhance the survival of mutually shared genes. |
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| The tendency for men and women to choose as partners those who are a "good match" in attractiveness and other traits. |
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| The tendency for novel stimuli to be liked more or rated more positively after the rater has been repeatedly exposed to them. |
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| The perception of certain individuals or groups as outside the boundary within which one applies moral values and rules of fairness. Moral inclusion is regarding others as within one's circle of moral concern. |
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| A motivation to bond with others in relationships that provide ongoing, positive interactions. |
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| "Them"- a group that people perceive as distinctively different from or apart from their ingroup. |
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| OUTGROUP HOMOGENEITY EFFECT |
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Definition
| Perception of outgroup members as more similar to one another than are ingroup members. Thus, "they are alike; we are diverse." |
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| The result of bribing people to do what they already like doing; they may then see their actions as externally controlled rather than intrinsically appealing. |
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| The tendency for people to more accurately recognize faces of their own race. |
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| PHYSICAL-ATTRACTIVENESS STEREOTYPE |
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Definition
| The presumption that physically attractive people posses other socially desirable traits as well: What is beautiful is good. |
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| A preconceived negative judgment of a group and its individual members. |
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| Attachments marked by a sense of one's own unworthiness and anxiety, ambivalence, and possessiveness. |
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| Positive, constructive, helpful social behavior; the opposite of antisocial behavior. |
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| Geographical nearness. Proximity (more precisely, "functional distance"). |
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| 1) an individual's prejudice attitudes and discriminatory behavior toward people of a given race, or 2) institutional practices (even if not motivated by prejudice) that subordinate people of a given race. |
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| REALISTIC GROUP CONFLICT THEORY |
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Definition
| The theory that prejudice arises from competition between groups for scarce resources. |
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| An expectation that people will help, not hurt, those who have helped them. |
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| The perception that one is less well0off than others with whom one compares oneself. |
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| REWARD THEORY OF ATTRACTION |
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Definition
| The theory that we like those whose behavior is rewarding to us or whom we associate with rewarding events. |
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Definition
| Attachments rooted in trust and marked by intimacy. |
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| Revealing intimate aspects of oneself to others. |
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| 1) An individual's prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory behavior toward people of a given sex, or 2) institutional practices (even if not motivated by prejudice) that subordinate people of a given sex. |
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| The mutual support and cooperation enabled by a social network. |
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| SOCIAL DOMINANCE ORIENTATION |
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Definition
| A motivation to have one's group dominate other social groups. |
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Definition
| The theory that human interactions are transactions that aim to maximize one's costs. |
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| The "we" aspect of our self-concept; the part of our answer to "Who am I?" that comes from our group memberships. |
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| The theory that we learn social behavior by observing and imitating and by being rewarded and punished. |
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| SOCIAL-RESPONSIBILITY NORM |
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Definition
| An expectation that people will help those needing help. |
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Definition
| Culturally provided mental instructions for how to act in various situations. |
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| A belief about the personal attributes of a group of people. Stereotypes are sometimes overgeneralized, inaccurate, and resist to new information consequence of prejudice. |
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Definition
| A disruptive concern, when facing a negative stereotype, that one will be evaluated based on a negative stereotype. Unlike self-fulfilling prophecies that hammer one's reputation into one's self-concept, stereotype threat situations have immediate effects. |
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Definition
| A person's expectation of being victimized by prejudice or discrimination. |
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Definition
| Accommodating individuals who deviate from one's stereotype by forming a new stereotype about this subset of the group. |
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| Accommodating individuals who deviate from one's stereotype by thinking of them as "exceptions to the rule." |
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Definition
| People's self-protective emotional and cognitive responses (including adhering more strongly to their cultural worldviews and prejudices) when confronted with reminders of their mortality. |
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Term
| TWO-FACTOR THEORY OF EMOTION |
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Definition
| Arousal x its label - emotion |
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