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| the symbolic construct which reflects our consciousness of our own identity |
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| the psychological state in which people are aware of their traits, feelings, and behavior |
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| the area of the frontal lobe in the cerebral cortex of the brain thought to be responsible for monitoring and controlling intentional behavior |
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| temporary awareness of the private, personal, aspects of the self |
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| intensified emotional response |
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| first consequence of private self-awareness in which one's emotions are intensified due to self reflection |
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| clarification of knowledge |
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| the second part of private self-awareness during which people are able to report internal events with greater accuracy by focusing on them |
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| adhere to personal standards of behavior |
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| the third part of private self-awareness in which one acts more in line with their true beliefs as the are more aware of them |
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| one's awareness of public aspects of themselves that can be seen and evaluated by others |
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| associated with public self-awareness; the awareness that they are being appraised by others |
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| the fear and nervousness associated with the disconnect between one's desired public image and one's actual public image |
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| adherence to social standards of behavior |
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| people who area aware of the perceptions of others are more likely to conform to the group norms even if this does not match their private point of view |
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| personality dimension which reflects the extent to which an individual is chronically aware of their traits,feelings, and behavior |
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| private self-consciousness |
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| people who experience heightened private self-awareness (intense emotions, truer to personal beliefs, likelier to have a more accurate self-perception |
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| public self-consciousness |
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| people who are particularly concerned with how they are perceived by those around them (likelier to adhere to group norms, to avoid embarrassing situations, concerned with physical appearance and to judge others on their physical appearance |
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| the cognitive structures the store knowledge about the world and that represent the knowledge we have about a particular concept or type of stimulus |
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| how we expect ourselves to think, feel, and behave in a particular situation |
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| we think we are the shit of our schema and that people who arent in our schema are much different from us |
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| control theory of self-regulation |
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| a cognitive feedback loop which illustrated 4 steps involved in self-regulation: Test, Operate, Test, Exit (page 11) |
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| according to this theory we compare ourselves to two points of reference, the ideal self (how we'd like to be) and the ought self (how we believe we should be, based on a sense of obligation or duty). Discrepancies between actual and ideal self can lead to dejection-related emotions, while discrepancies between actual and ought self lead to agitation-related emotions. |
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| learning how to define the self by comparing ourselves with those around us |
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| self-evaluation maintenance model |
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| Tesser proposed that comparison with someone who is successful results in self-reflection or social-comparison, depending on whether that success is in a relevant domain, and on whether we are certain of our own performance in that domain |
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| when one's self esteem is derived from the accomplishments of those close to said person, without consideration for one's own achievements in that domain |
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| comparing one's own achievements with the achievements of others who we believe are outperforming us |
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| the theory which proposes that when out membership in a particular group is salient, it is our social self rather than our personal self that guides our self-concept, attitudes and behavior. The theory explains how affiliation to groups influences behavior. |
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| reflects idiosyncratic aspects of the self, including our personality traits and our close relationships with other individuals |
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| reflects our membership in a particular group, and incorporates the attitudes, behaviors, and social norms associated with that group |
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| a collection of shared beliefs about how group members should think and behave |
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| self-categorization theory |
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| the extension of social identity theory that focuses on the set of group norms that define collective identities |
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| the process by which, when group membership is salient, individuals come to see themselves in terms of the shared features that define group membership, thinking and behaving as a group member rather than as a unique individual |
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| group members exaggerate similarities within the group ('we are all the same') and differences with other groups ('we are very different from them') |
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| one's subjective appraisal of themselves as intrinsically positive or negative and can have significant implications for psychological functioning |
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| individuals who respond with aggression to ego-threats |
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| a desire to know who we truly are, regardless of whether the truth is positive or negative |
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| a desire to confirm what we already believe to be true about our self-concept, even if we see ourselves in a negative light |
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| a desire to seek out information about ourselves that allows us to see the self in a positive light |
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| when self-esteem has been damaged or threatened in some way, people often compensate by focusing on and publicly affirming positive aspects of themselves, thereby allowing them to maintain a positive self-concept |
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| self-serving attribution bias |
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Definition
| we have a pervasive tendency to attribute successes to internal, personal attributes and failure to external factors outside of our control |
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| one strategy that members of a low status group use to maintain a positive self-concept is to distance themselves from the group, disregarding the importance of that group membership |
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| basking in reflected glory |
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| when people derive a positive self-concept from the achievements of other group members even if they were not involved in those achievements |
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| cutting off reflected failure |
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| when a group is unsuccessful, group members may limit damage to their own self-concept by distracting themselves from the group. However, this strategy is only used by individuals for whom the group is not highly important |
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| like the US and Europe, a culture in which people are encouraged from an early age to think of themselves as unique individuals |
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| cultures in which people are encouraged from a young age to be obedient and respectful of their family and to conform to societal norms |
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| unique, personal aspects of the self, for example personality traits and personal preferences (when asked to describe themselves they say shit like "I am smart" which sets them apart from others) |
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| aspects of the self that reflects relationships with other individuals and groups, for example family status, national and religious affiliations (when asked to describe themselves they say shit like "I am a Roman Catholic") |
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| the suggestion that it is possible for an individual to deal with multiple identities by understanding the cultural assumptions that guide behavior and using this knowledge to think and behave appropriately in each |
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| people rationally and logically test out hypotheses about the behavior of others because of a desire for consistency and stability |
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| the way in which people try to understand and explain the behavior and events they observe |
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| Heider proposed that we have a basic need to attribute causality as this ascribes meaning to our social world, making it more clear, definable and predictable (rectangle, big triangle, lil triangle and circle) |
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| the dimension that describes whether people make internal or external attributions |
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internal attribution
(AKA person attribution) |
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| any explanation that locates the cause as being internal to the person such as personality, mood, abilities, attitudes, and efforts |
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external attribution
(AKA Situation attribution) |
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| any explanation that locates the cause as being external to the person such as the actions of others, the nature of the situation, social pressure, or luck |
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| a dimension that describes whether the causes of a behavior or event are perceived to be relatively stable and permanent or temporary and fluctuation |
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| a dimension that describes whether the causes of a behavior or event are perceived to be influenced by others or whether they were perceived to have occurred at random |
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| information refers to whether the behavior observed is consistent with, or counter to, social norms |
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| internal attributions are more likely to be made when the person being observed has freely chosen to behave in a particular way |
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| when a behavior has unique consequences, rather than a range of possible other consequences, an internal attribution is more likely to be made |
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| for something to be the cause of a particular behavior, it must be present when the behavior is present, and absent when the behavior is absent. in other words they much co-vary |
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| the extent to which other people in the scene react in the same way as the target person |
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| the extent to which the target person reacts in the same way on different occasions |
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| distinctiveness information |
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| the extent to which the target person reacts in the same way in other social contexts |
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| we tend to categorize on the basis of the features that are the most salient in a particular situation. the fundamental attribution error may be explained by the fact that the person being observed is the most perceptually salient aspect of the situation |
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| an individual's personal evaluation of their own self-concept |
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| the theory that, far from being naive scientists, we are reluctant to expend cognitive resources and look for any opportunity to avoid engaging in effortful thought |
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| time saving mental shortcuts that reduce complex judgements to simple rules of thumb |
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| representativeness heuristic |
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| the tendency to allocate a set of attributes to someone if they match the prototype of a given category |
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| the tendency to ignore statistical information (base rates) in favor of representativeness information |
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| the tendency to judge the frequency or probability of an event in terms of how easy it is to think of examples of that event |
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| the extent to which a concept is readily brought to mind |
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| the tendency to exaggerate how common one's own opinions are in the general population |
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| the tendency to be biased towards the starting value (or anchor) in making quantitative judgements |
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| the idea that people neither cognitive misers or naive scientists. instead, they are strategic in their allocation of cognitive resources, deciding whether to b a cognitive miser or a naive scientist depending on the situation |
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| things that change one's thinking (cognitive miser vs naive scientist) |
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Definition
time: less time they have more likely they will be a cognitive miser.
cognitive load: less on the mind more likely to be a naive scientist.
Importance: more important the more likely to be a naive scientist.
information: less info more likely to be a cognitive miser |
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| the way in which we organize our social world by putting people into groupings, for example, males and females, old and young, black and white |
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| the most representative members of a category |
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| the prototype of a social category |
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| the belief that two variables are associated with one another when in fact there is little or no actual association (bad stereotypes with minorities) |
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| when two things are both infrequent and therefor distinctive, which leads to an illusory correlation, the erroneous belief that these two things are associated with one another |
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| made up of many different types |
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| made up of a few types of things (ppl) that are very similar to each other |
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| outgroup homogeneity effect |
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| the general tendency that people have to perceive outgroup members to be more homogeneous than ingroup members |
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| when we categorize based on the features we encounter first |
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| when we categorize after difference becomes salient |
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| categorization in terms of some categories race, age, gender |
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