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Definition
| The scientific study of the way in which people's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are influenced by the real or imagined presence of other people |
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| The way in which people perceive, comprehend, and interpret the social world |
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| Common sense explanations for behavior |
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| Relying on observation and experimentation |
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| Fundamental Attribution Error |
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Definition
| The tendency to overestimate the extent to which people's behavior is due to internal, dispositional factors and to underestimate the role of situational factors |
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| The inference that a person is behaving in a certain way because of something about the person, such as attitude, character, or personality |
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| The inference that a person is behaving a certain way because of something about the situation that he or she is in; the assumption is that most people would respond the same way in that situation |
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| Actor Observer Difference |
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| Takes the FAE one step further; says not only do we prefer internal attributions for other people, we prefer external attributions for ourselves |
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| Questions/ideas that a researcher wants to test |
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| A well-tested and proven idea |
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| A research method where the researcher studies a group or culture by observing it from the inside, without imposing any preconceived notions that they have. |
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| During ethnography, the researcher interacts with the people being observed while trying not to change the situation |
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| The level of agreement between two or more independent coders who independently observe and code a set of data |
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| A form of observational method in which the researcher examines the accumulated documents, or archives, of a culture |
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| A relationship between variables |
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| A large group/demographic actually being studied |
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| Small group from the studied population intended to be representative of the population |
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| The method in which the researcher randomly assigns participants to different conditions and ensures that these conditions are identical except for the independent variable (the one thought to have a causal effect on people's responses) |
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| The variable a researcher changes or varies to see if it has an effect on some other variable |
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| The variable a researcher measures to see if it is influenced by the independent variable; the researcher hypothesizes that the dependent variable will depend on the level of the independent variable |
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| Making sure that nothing besides the independent variable can affect the dependent variable; this is accomplished by controlling all extraneous variables and by randomly assigning people to different experimental conditions |
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| The extent to which the results of a study can be generalized to other situations and to other people |
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| The extent to which the situation in the lab study is similar to situations occurring in real life |
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| The extent to which the psychological processes triggered are similar to the psychological processes occurring in everyday life. |
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| Repeating a study, often with different subject populations or in different settings |
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| A statistical technique that averages the results of two or more studies to see if the effect of an independent variable is reliable |
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| Tension between wanting experiments to be realistic and wanting to avoid causing participants unnecessary stress and unpleasantness. Includes do no harm, informed consent, leaving without penalty, right to results, debriefing after deception |
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| Specifies the nature of the experiment and obtains permission from the participants |
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| How people think about themselves and the social world; more specifically, how people select, interpret, remember, and use social information to make judgments and decisions |
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| Thinking that is nonconscious, unintentional, involuntary, and effortless |
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| Thinking that is conscious, intentional, voluntary, and effortful |
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| Mental structures people use to organize their knowledge about the social world around themes or subjects and that influence the information people notice, think about, and remember. |
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| A generalization about a group of people, in which certain traits are assigned to virtually all members of the group, regardless of actual variation among the members |
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| The case wherein people have an expectation about what another person is like, which influences how they act toward that person, which causes that person to behave consistently with people's original expectations, making that expectation come true |
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| Mental shortcuts used to make decisions quickly and efficiently |
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| A mental rule of thumb whereby people base a judgment on the ease which which they can bring something to mind |
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| Representativeness heuristic |
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| A mental shortcut whereby people classify something according to how similar it is to a typical case |
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| Anchoring and Adjustment heuristic |
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| A mental shortcut that involves having a number, value, or idea as a starting point, and then being told to select an answer on your own disregarding the given idea. People often do not adjust their answer sufficiently. Related to the availability heuristic |
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| The attempt to avoid thinking about something. Includes both a monitoring and an operating process |
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| Searching for evidence that the unwanted thought is about to intrude |
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| Process that comes into play when an unwanted thought is detected. It works to find a distraction. |
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| Mentally "undoing" some aspect of the past as a way of imagining what might have been. "If only..." |
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| The study of how we form impressions of and make inferences about other people |
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| The way in which people communicate, intentionally or unintentionally, without words; nonverbal cues include facial expression, tone of voice, gestures, body position and movement, the use of touch, and gaze. |
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| To express or emit nonverbal behavior, such as smiling or patting someone on the back |
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| To interpret the meaning of the nonverbal behavior other people express, such as deciding that a pat on the back was an expression of condescension and not kindness |
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| A description of the way in which other people explain the causes of their own and other people's behavior |
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| Information about the extent to which other people behave the same way toward the same stimulus as the actor does |
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| Distinctiveness information |
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| information about the extent to which one particular actor behaves in the same way to different stimuli |
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| information about the extent to which the behavior between one actor and one stimulus is the same across time and circumstances |
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| The seeming importance of information that is the focus of people's attention |
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| Self-serving attributions |
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| Explanations for one's successes that credit internal, dispositional factors and explanations for one's failures that blame external, situational factors |
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| Explanations for behavior that avoid feelings of vulnerability and mortality |
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| Where people think good things are more likely to happen and bad things are less likely to happen to them than to their peers |
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| Tool used to make it seem like tragic situations could never happen to us. Presumes that bad things happen to bad people and good things happen to good people |
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| The "me" or content of the self - our knowledge about who we are |
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| The "I", or thinking about ourselves |
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| Refers to self-schemas used to understand ourselves. We remember things better when we relate them to ourselves (self-reference effect) |
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| Function of the self that regulates people's behavior, choices, and plans for the future |
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| Independent view of the self |
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| A way of defining oneself in terms of one's own internal thoughts, feelings, and actions |
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| Interdependent view of the self |
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| A way of defining oneself in terms of one's relationships to other people, recognizing that one's behavior is often determined by the thoughts, feelings, and actions of others |
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| Desire to form an accurate self-assessment |
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| Desire to feel good about the self |
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| The idea that when people focus their attention on themselves, they evaluate and compare their behavior to their internal standards and values |
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| The desire to engage in an activity because we enjoy it or find it interesting, not because of external rewards |
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| The desire to engage in an activity because of external rewards or pressures, not because we enjoy the task or find it interesting |
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| The tendency for people to view their behavior as caused by compelling extrinsic reasons, making them underestimate the extent to which it was caused by intrinsic reasons |
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| Misattribution of arousal |
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| The process whereby people make mistaken inferences about what is causing them to feel the way they do |
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| Cognitive appraisal theory of emotion |
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| Theory that holds that that emotions result from people’s interpretations of events, even in the absence of any physiological arousal. |
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| Comparing ourselves to people who are better than we are with regard to a particular trait or ability |
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| Downward social comparison |
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| Comparing ourselves to people who are worse than we are in relation to a particular trait or ability |
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| The attempt by people to get others to see them as they want to be seen |
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| The process whereby people flatter, praise, and generally try to make themselves likable to another person, often of higher status |
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| The strategy whereby people create obstacles and excuses for themselves so that if they do poorly on a task, they can avoid blaming themselves. |
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| A drive or feeling of discomfort, originally defined as being caused by holding two or more inconsistent cognitions and subsequently defined as being caused by performing an action that is discrepant from one's customary, typically positive self-conception |
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| Counter-Attitudinal Advocacy |
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| Stating an opinion or attitude that runs counter to one's private belief or attitude |
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| Dissonance aroused after making a decision, typically reduced by enhancing the attractiveness of the chosen alternative and devaluating the rejected alternatives |
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| An unscrupulous strategy whereby a salesperson induces a customer to agree to purchase a product at a low cost, subsequently claims it was an error, and then raises the price; frequently, the customer will agree to make the purchase at the inflated price |
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| The tendency for individuals to increase their liking for something they have worked hard to attain |
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| Effect in which a person asks another person for a favor in order to get the second person to like them more. |
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| An attitude based primarily |
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| An attitude based more on people's feelings and values than on their beliefs about the nature of an attitude object |
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| An attitude based on observations of how one behaves toward and object |
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| Attitudes that we consciously endorse and can easily report |
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| Attitudes that are involuntary, uncontrollable, and at times unconscious |
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| Communication advocating a particular side of an issue |
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| Central route to Persuasion |
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Definition
| The case in which people elaborate on a persuasive communication, listening carefully to an thinking about the arguments, which occurs when people have both the ability and the motivation to listen carefully to a communication |
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| Peripheral route to Persuasion |
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Definition
| The case in which people do not elaborate on the arguments in a persuasive communication but are instead swayed by peripheral cues |
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| Fear-arousing Communication |
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| Persuasive messages that attempt to change people's attitude by arousing their fears |
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| Making people immune to attempts to change their attitudes by initially exposing them to small doses of the arguments against their position |
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| When companies pay the makers of TV shows, movies, and other media to incorporate their product into the script |
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| The idea that when people feel their freedom to perform a certain behavior is threatened, an unpleasant state of reactance is aroused, which they can reduce by performing the threatened behavior |
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| Words or pictures that are not consciously perceived but may nevertheless influence people's judgments, attitudes, and behaviors |
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| A change in one's behavior due to real or imagined influence of other people; change in behavior to fulfill social norms |
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| Change in attitude or behavior in response to a direct request |
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| Obeyance of a direct order from another person to perform an action |
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| Informational social influence |
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Definition
| The influence of other people that leads us to conform because we see them as a source of information to guide our behavior; we conform because we believe that others' interpretation of an ambiguous situation is more correct than ours and will help us choose an appropriate course of action |
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| Normative social influence |
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Definition
| The influence of other people that leads us to conform in order to be liked and accepted by them; this type of conformity results in public compliance with the group's beliefs and behaviors but not necessarily in private acceptance of those beliefs and behaviors |
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| The implicit or explicit rules a group has for the acceptable behaviors, values, and beliefs of its members |
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| Rationalizing dissonance in order to feel good about ourselves - can sometimes lead to an increase in the dissonance-producing behavior |
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| An effort to lower cognitive dissonance caused by an action, often by increasing the action |
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| Three or more people who interact and are interdependent in the sense that their needs and goals cause them to influence each other |
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| Shared expectations in a group about how particular people are supposed to behave |
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| Shared expectations about how men or women are supposed to behave |
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| Qualities of a group that bind members together and promote liking between members |
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| The tendency for people to do better on simple tasks and worse on complex tasks when they are in the presence of others and their individual performance can be evaluated |
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| The presence of others increases physiological arousal |
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| The tendency for people to relax when they are in the presence of others and their individual performance cannot be evaluated, such that they do worse on simple tasks but better on complex tasks |
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| The loosening of normal constraints on behavior when people can't be identified, such as when they are in a crowd |
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| Any aspect of group interaction that inhibits good problem solving |
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| The combined memory of two people that is more efficient than the memory of either individual |
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| A kind of thinking in which maintaining group cohesiveness and solidarity is more important than considering the facts in a realistic manner |
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| The tendency for groups to make decisions that are more extreme than the initial inclinations of its members |
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| Stanford prison experiment |
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| Conducted by Phillip Zimbardo, named students either guards or prisoners. Had to be cancelled after less than a week because the students adopted their roles too well. |
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| The finding that the more we see and interact with people, the more likely they are to become our friends |
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| the finding that the more exposure we have to a stimulus, the more apt we are to like it |
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| The match between two people's interests, attitudes, values, backgrounds, and/or personality |
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| If we believe a person likes us, we are much more likely to like them back |
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| The idea that people's feelings about a relationship depend on their perceptions of the rewards and costs of the relationship, the kind of relationship they deserve, and their chances for having a better relationship with someone else |
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| The idea that people are happiest with relationships in which the rewards and costs experienced and the contributions made by both parties are roughly equal |
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| Developed by Sternberg: includes passion, intimacy, and commitment in different combinations |
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| Developed by Hendrick and Hendrick: includes eros, ludos, storge, pragma, mania, and agape |
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| States that men and women are attracted to different characteristics: appearance and resources |
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| An attachment style characterized by trust, a lack of concern with being abandoned,and the view that one is worthy and well-liked |
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| Anxious/ambivalent attachment style |
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Definition
| An attachment style characterized by a concern that others will not reciprocate one's desire for intimacy, resulting in higher-than-average levels of anxiety |
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| Avoidant attachment style |
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Definition
| An attachment style characterized by a suppression of attachment needs because attempts to be intimate have been rebuffed; people with this style find it difficult to develop intimate relationships |
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| Any act performed with the goal of benefiting another person |
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| The desire to help another person even if it involves a cost to the helper |
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| The idea that behaviors that help a genetic relative are favored by natural selection |
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| The expectation that helping others will increase the likelihood that they will help us in the future |
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| Empathy-altruism hypothesis |
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| The idea that when we feel empathy for a person, we will attempt to help that person for purely altruistic reasons, regardless of what we have to gain |
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| The group with which an individual identifies as a member |
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| Any group with which an individual does not identify |
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| Negative-state relief hypothesis |
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| People will help others in order to alleviate their own sadness and distress |
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| Urban-overload hypothesis |
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| The theory that people living in cities are constantly bombarded with stimulation and that they keep to themselves to avoid being overwhelmed by it |
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| the greater the number of bystanders who witness an emergency, the less likely any one of them is to help. |
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| Diffusion of responsibility |
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| each bystander’s sense of responsibility to help decreases as the number of witnesses increases. Everyone assumes someone else will help, and as a result, no one does. |
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| When other bystanders are present, people are more likely to assume an actual emergency is something minor. |
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| A hostile or negative attitude toward people in a distinguishable group, based solely on their membership in that group |
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| Unjustified negative or harmful action toward a member of a group solely because of his or her membership in that group |
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| Out-group homogeneity bias |
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| The perception that individuals in the out-group are more similar to each other than they really are, as well as more similar than members of the in-group are |
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| The tendency to see relationship, or correlations, between events that are actually unrelated |
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| Ultimate attribution error |
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Definition
| The tendency to make dispositional attributions about an entire group of people |
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| The apprehension experienced by members of a group that their behavior might confirm a cultural stereotype |
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| The tendency for individuals, when frustrated or unhappy, to displace aggression onto groups that are disliked, visible, and relatively powerless |
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| Institutionalized racism/sexism |
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| Sexist or racist attitudes that are held by the vast majority of people living in a society where stereotypes and discrimination are the norm |
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| The tendency to go along with the group in order to fulfill the group's expectations and gain acceptance |
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| Outwardly acting unprejudiced while inwardly maintaining prejudiced attitudes |
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| Suggests that women are inferior to men |
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| Tends to romantically idealize women |
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| The idea that merely bringing members of different groups into contact with each other will erode prejudice. |
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| The existence of situations where two or more groups need each other and must depend on each other in order to succeed |
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