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| scientific study of how people think about, influence, and relate to one another |
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| Social Psychology's big ideas |
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We construct our social reality
Our social intuitions are often powerful but sometimes perilous
Social influences shape our behavior
Personal attitudes and dispostions also shape behavior
Social behavior is biologically rooted
Social psychology's principles are applicable in everyday life |
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Values enter the picture when social psychologists choose research topics
Values differ not only across time but also across cultures. |
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| the enduring behaviors, ideas, attitudes, and traditions shared by a large group of people and transmitted from one generation to the next |
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| socially shared beliefs--widely held ideas and values, including our assumptions and cultural ideologies. Our social representations help us make sense of our world. |
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| The tendency to exaggerate, after learning an outcome, one's ability to have foreseen how something turned out. (I knew it all along phenomenon.) |
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| an integrated set of principles that explain and predict observed events. |
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| a testable proposition that describes a relationship that may exist between events. |
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| research done in natural, real-life settings outside the laboratory. |
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| the study of the naturally occurring relationships among variables. |
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| studies that seek clues to cause-effect relationships by manipulating one or more factors (independent variables) while controlling others (holding them constant). |
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| indicates a relationship, but that relationship is not necessarily one of cause and effect. Can predict, but it cannot tell us whether changing one variable (such as social status) will cause changes in another (such as health). |
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| a way to measure variables such as status and health. |
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| survey procedure in which every person in the population being studied has an equal chance of inclusion |
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| The process of assigning participants to the conditions of an experiment such that all persons have the same chance of being in a given condition. |
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| the way a question or an issue is posed; framing can influence people's decisions and expressed opinions. |
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| the experimental factor that a researcher manipulates. |
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| the variable being measured, so called because it may depend on manipulations of the independent variable. |
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| degree to which an experiment is superficially similar to everyday situations |
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| degree to which an experiment absorbs and involves its participants |
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| In research, an effect by which participants are misinformed or misled about the study's methods and purposes. |
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| Cues in an experiment that tell the participant what behavior is expected. |
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| an ethical principle requiring that research participants be told enough to enable them to choose whether they wish to participate. |
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| the post experimental explanation of a study to its participants. Usually discloses any deception and often queries participants regarding their understandings and feelings. |
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| the belief that others are paying more attention to one's appearance and behavior than they really are |
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| the illusion that our concealed emotions leak out and can be easily read by others. |
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| A person's answers to the question, "Who am I?" |
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| beliefs about self that organize and guide the processing of self-relevant information |
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| images of what we dream of or dread becoming in the future |
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| evaluating one's abilities and opinions by comparing oneself with others |
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| the concept of giving priority to one's own goals over group goals and defining one's identity in terms of personal attributes rather than group identifications |
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| giving priority to the goals of one's groups (often one's extended family or work group) and defining one's identity in relation to others |
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| construing one's identity in relation to others |
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| we don't know ourselves as well as we think we do |
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| someone who knowingly participates in an experiment to cause something to happen that normally wouldn't |
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| True or False? We are good at predicting our feelings |
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| overestimating the enduring impact of emotion-causing events |
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| the human tendency to underestimate the speed and the strength of the "psychological immune system," which enables emotional recovery and resilience after bad things happen |
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| Differing implicit and explicit attitudes toward the same object. Verbalized explicit attitudes may change with education and persuasion; implicit attitudes change slowly, with practice that forms new habits. |
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| a person's overall self-evaluation or sense of self-worth |
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| people's perceiving one of you as more capable than the other will motivate the less able one to act in ways that maintain self-esteem |
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| People with low self-esteem often have problems in life--they make less money, abuse drugs, and are more likely to be depressed |
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| People with low self-esteem often have problems in life--they make less money, abuse drugs, and are more likely to be depressed |
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| A sense that one is competent and effective, distinguished from self-esteem, which is one's sense of self-worth. |
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| The extent to which people perceive outcomes as internally controllable by their own efforts or as externally controlled by chance or outside forces. |
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| The sense of hopelessness and resignation learned when a human or animal perceives no control over repeated bad events |
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| you may be less happy with the choice you choose after picking from 30 choices rather than 6 |
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| the tendency to perceive oneself favorable |
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| a form of self-serving bias; the tendency to attribute positive outcomes to oneself and negative outcomes to other factors |
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| the adaptive value of anticipating problems and harnessing one's anxiety to motivate effective action |
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| the tendency to overestimate the commonality of one's undesirable or unsuccessful behaviors |
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| the tendency to underestimate the commonality of one's abilities and one's desirable or successful behaviors. |
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| the tendency to perceive oneself favorable |
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| explaining away outgroup members' positive behaviors; also attributing negative behaviors to their dispositions (while excusing such behavior by one's own group) |
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| display lower self-esteem than we privately feel |
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| protecting one's self-image with behaviors that create a handy excuse for later failure |
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| the act of expressing oneself and behaving in ways designed to create a favorable impression or an impression that corresponds to one's ideals. |
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| being attuned to the way one presents oneself in social situations and adjusting one's performance to create the desired impression |
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| activating particular associations in memory |
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| True or False-We are good at predicting events of another person's life. |
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| persistence of one's initial conceptions, as when the basis for one's belief is discredited but an explanation of why the belief might be true survives. |
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| incorporating "misinformation" into one's memory of the event, after witnessing an event and receiving misleading information about it. |
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| True or False? We "remember" holding the opinion that we now hold. |
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| immediately knowing something without reasoning or analysis |
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| "explicit" thinking that is deliberate, reflective, and conscious. |
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| "implicit" thinking that is effortless, habitual, and without awareness, roughly corresponds to "intuition" |
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| Overconfidence phenomenon |
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| the tendency to be more confident than correct--to overestimate the accuracy of one's beliefs |
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| Overconfidence phenomenon |
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| the tendency to be more confident than correct--to overestimate the accuracy of one's beliefs |
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| a tendency to search for information that confirms one's perceptions |
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| a thinking strategy that enables quick, efficient judgments |
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| the tendency to presume, sometimes despite contrary odds, that someone or something belongs to a particular group if resembling a typical member. |
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| a cognitive rule that judges the likelihood of things in terms of their availability in memory. If instances of something come readily to mind, we presume it to be commonplace. |
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| imagining alternative scenarios and outcomes that might have happened, but didn't. |
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| our search for order in random events |
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| perception of a relationship where none exists, or perception of a stronger relationship than actually exists |
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| perception of uncontrollable events as subject to one's control or as more controllable than they are. |
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| regression towards the average |
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| the statistical tendency for extreme scores or extreme behavior to return toward one's average |
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| mistakenly attributing a behavior to the wrong source |
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| the theory of how people explain others' behavior |
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| dispositional attribution |
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| attributing behavior to the person's disposition and traits |
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| attributing behavior to the environment |
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| fundamental attribution error |
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| the tendency for observers to underestimate situational influences and overestimate dispositional influences upon others' behavior |
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| a self-conscious state in which attention focuses on oneself. it makes people more sensitive to their own attitudes and dispositions |
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| a belief that leads to its own fulfillment |
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| a favorable or unfavorable evaluative reaction toward something or someone (often rooted in one's beliefs, and exhibited in one's feelings and intended behavior) |
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| False: They do predict our behaviors. |
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| True or False? Our attitudes don't predict our behavior when these other influences on what we say and do are minimal, when the attitude is specific to the behavior, and when the attitude is potent. |
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| a set of norms that defines how people in a given social position ought to behave |
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| foot-in-the-door phenomenon |
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| the tendency for people who have first agreed to a small request to comply later with a larger request |
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| a tactic for getting people to agree to something. People who agree to an initial request will often still comply when the requester ups the ante. People who receive on the costly request are less likely to comply with it. |
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| insufficient justification |
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| reduction of dissonance by internally justifying one's behavior when external justification is "insufficient." |
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| the theory that when we are unsure of our attitudes, we infer them much as would someone observing us, by looking at our behavior and the circumstances under which it occurs. |
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| True or false? Expressions can brings about attitudes. |
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| the result of bribing people to do what they already like doing; they may then see their actions as externally controlled rather than intrinsically appealing. |
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| a theory that (a) people often experience a self-image threat, after engaging in an undesirable behavior; and (b) they can compensate by affirming another aspect of the self. Threaten people's self-concept in one domain and they will compensate either by refocusing or by doing good deeds in some other domain. |
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