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1. Institution's do not matter, they have no impact.
2. They are epiphenomenal |
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1. Institutions matter and they are autonomous
2. Self-enforcing and look at the trade regime |
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| 1. Sovereignty norm replaced the medieval hierarchy |
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| 1. The dichotomoy between domestic and international politics is illusory |
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Interest and Identities are edogenous to process
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| Positives epistemology are the dominant research orientation that contradict regimes inter-subjectively |
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| Lays out the rationalists and the reflectivist approach in international politics |
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1. Regimes matter under certain circumstances
2. Regimes are autonomous |
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1. Actors and regime are not indigeonous
2. They change about |
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| Design regimes matter because to the extent that it increases or reduces compliance |
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1. The state is not disappearing in the age of golbalization, but is instead disaggregating into sepearte, functionally distinct institutions
2. Look at the subnational actors within the state |
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1. Focusing on the role of transnational advocacy networkd formed by activists beyond borders.
2. Transnational advocacy networks as communicative structures whose members are primarily motivate by shared principled ideas or values |
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| Realist skepticism about the autonomy and agency of reginal institutions, more so in regional environments where state and sovereignty-centric conceptions of power domincate offical discourse policy |
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| Link the benefits from working through international organizations to the power of political legitmation |
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| The successive development of other tools, such as awarness-building approaches launched at the end of the 1980s and the face of advisory services and technical cooperation that followed, lead to a focus on the right to development and the rol of the UN system in supporting governments to create conditions that would enable them to fulfill their international legal obligations |
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You need to break corporations down into two components
Bargaining and Enforcement |
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| Uncriticle, almost blind confidence in the role of sice, which furthermore detatched from socail context and relations of power in which it is embedded |
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1. Access through the political system and winning coalitions are determind by domestic structure
2. Common security: non offesnive defense; brought the end to the Cold War |
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| Non-offesnive defense; brought the end to the Cold War |
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| Come up with a list of things to impose sanctions |
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| Doing what the regime wants me to do even when I would not have wanted to do so but only did because the regime required |
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| A secondary phenomenon accompanying another and caused by it |
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| Happen in some institutions |
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| are external to the structure |
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| Creates new forms of behvior |
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| Goes up and down but depends on wages |
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| Relative prices of good states import and export |
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The False Promise of Institutions |
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| The uncondtional most-favored-nation clause and the Maintenance of the liberal trade regime in the postwars of 1870s |
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| The assumption of anarchy in international relations theory: a critique |
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| Anarchy is what states make it: the social construction of power |
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| International Organization: a state of the art of the art of the state |
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| International Institutions: two approaches |
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| Structural causes and regimes cconsequences: regimes as intervening variables |
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| Why collaborate? Issue-linkage and International Regimes |
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| Governing the global economy through government networks |
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| Transnational advocacy networks in international and regional politics |
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| The politics, powe and pathologies of International Organizations |
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| Collective legitimization as a political function of the UN |
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| The development of human rights law in the Un, its control and monitoring machinery |
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| Bargaining, enforcement and multilateral sanctions: when is copperation counterproducttive |
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| The role of science in environmental regimes: the case of LRTAP |
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| The space of peace maintenance |
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| Ideas do not float freely: transational coalitions, domestic structure and the end of the cold war |
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