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| enlisting intergovernmental aid and to use available resources to bend negotiations with private capital |
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| use intergovernmental aid to ease the pain of market disadvantages |
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resistance possible
submit to the marketplace |
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| do whatever is necessary to facilitate business |
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| seek to offset the market disadvantageous and nurture development through public intervention |
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| accommodate market disadvantages and rely on public intervention to ease the pain |
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| take on the system and attempt to bypass/combat market constraints |
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| comply with market demands and make few demands upon business |
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oriented toward a single driving resources
(intergovernmental support) |
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| built parks, rebuilt city infrastructure, modern housing, extended highways, opened up southern portion of the city |
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| carefully balancing and rewarding the city's major constituencies |
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triad of support
1) economic |
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| supplied by tax supported budgets |
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| built from the city's dense network of neighborhood organizations and social clubs |
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neighborhood mayors
Socialist Party
Le Provencal (Deferre's own newspaper) |
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| Neutralized Marseille's bourgeoisie |
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| appointed adjunct mayor to maintain relations with banks and chamber of commerce |
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| every gov franc spent on center matched several times over for the rest of the city |
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socialists run national
Deferre dispensed with center-right coalition
Entered coalition with communists |
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| designed neither for untrammeled capitalism nor doctrinaire socialism |
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| EuroMediterraneen (EuroMed) |
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| massive renewal project that ties the city center to its port (public led) |
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| Our future is "but as a great Mediterranean metropolis" |
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| arrears (owe $) 12,777 francs per inhabitant |
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| better housing and a modern infrastructure helped residents, but the city lost population and private-sector jobs |
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| upon taking office in 1995 we had to deal with 43 years of municipal socialism or crypto-socialism. And we had to deal with principles that were not our own, particularly on matters of urban development and economic policy |
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| recentralization of the city |
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| Gaidin sought to stimulate the real estate market |
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| Etablissement d'Amenagement Publique (EPAD) |
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| public development corporation |
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| substantial public funding and considerable liberty of action |
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| kept a bloated public work force intact, which today reaches 12,700 employees |
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| Grantsman politics (Glasgow's Scottish Enterprise) |
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| years of deindustrialization have left local officials with a rump economy that is shrinking and out of balance |
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| regime politics converge on a political coalition made up of a hierarchy of public institutions led by powerful agency Scottish Enterprise of SE |
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| Scottish Development Agency |
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| had authority to override planning decisions of local and regional councils in order to realize objective although they were expected to consult with local authorities and build a network of cooperative planning in the regions |
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| Scottish public ownership |
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| until recent years, most of the large industries in Scotland such as mining, steel, railways and transportation |
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| Glasgow Development Agency |
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| essentially pursues a grants politics in concert with the public player |
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| reorganization of Scottish local government abolished the regional councils |
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| Scottish parliament with minor taxing powers was created to serve as a regional legislature, firmly recognizing the Scottish drive for greater autonomy |
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| Jeanne McFadden and Pat Lally |
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| Labour controlled District and Regional Councils |
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| put together a year-long series of special cultural events celebrating the city's artistic achievements to attract tourists and businesses |
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| Glasgow's political entrepreneurs must play by rules set by more powerful regional politicians, whose policy priorities have shifted over time. This means that regime leaders have accommodated increasingly market-centered policy directions |
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| SE policies forced Glasgow's local grant advocates - the GDA and the city government to adopt its dual strategy |
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Definition
| this mean catering to both market and social centered constituencies |
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| officials work to boost the downtown as a cultural capital, while attending to the social miseries of decline through small-scale neighborhood social programs |
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| clearly favored the idea of placing greater emphasis on using commercial efficiency, rather than social equity, in revitalizing urban economies |
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| Following Thatcher's election |
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| Scottish system of public-led regional planning was left intact for almost twelve years after Thatcher's election and then merely reorganized with a more private-like veneer |
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| Scotland has been able to maintain political prviliges |
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Definition
| including its own ministry, a separate legal system, a distinctive school system, and special housing agencies and programs among other forms of autonomy |
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| Tony Blair's Labour government |
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Definition
| supported the creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 precisely to deal with the nationalist drift in Scotland |
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| Once Glaslow was made dependent upon a regional governmental approach |
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Definition
| its fate hinged upon how these officials would view assistance to a poor central city. Over time, they saw assistance to Glasgow more as a liability than an asset in their struggle to promote the Scottish economy |
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| its need to achieve regional growth |
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Definition
| regardless of where it takes place - is a powerful constraint |
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| As long as private sector investors |
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Definition
| believed to prefer sites outside of Glasgow, regional officials find it difficult to work again this market orientation |
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| kept members content with patronage, graft, and incremental gains. For their part the Tories accepted mild social intervention |
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| estimated 51% of manufacturing firms were absentee owned; by the 1970s that proportion has risen to 71% |
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| took up the cause of community politics and began battling for neighborhood revitalization and rent stability |
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| between 1974 and 1983 no single party held real control and Liverpool became paralyzed |
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| 1974-1983. municipal services lapsed, public building went unrepaired, the schools system continued to deteriorate and there was little room for planning much less for economic progress |
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| Trotskyites called Militant Tendency |
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| national group. new recruits were drawn from the trade unions |
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| social workers went on prolonged strikes over salary issues followed by secretaries and typists who also struck over wages |
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| Granby ward, known also as Toxteth exploded. A local policeman had shot a black youth and furious rioting quickly broke out |
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| named himself minister for Merseyside |
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| Mercyside Development Corporation (MDC) |
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| Labour 51/92 council seats |
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Definition
| paired down or canceled plans for spending. Resorted to creative accounting by using reserve funds to reduce the deficit and recalculating figures for inflation |
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| made no secret of her displeasure at having to deal with a bunch of left-wing rogues |
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| Liverpool had prepared a go-for-bust budget. Led by Militant, the council adopted an Urban Regeneration Strategy (URS) which pumped the city with public spending |
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| refusing to set a tax rate is an act of willful misconduct subject to removal from office and severe penalties |
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| district auditor charged 47 Labour councilors |
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| renounced Militant and expelled the radicals from the party |
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| recognize that market forces will not catapult the city into prosperity. Lib Dems do appreciate the dynamics of free enterprise |
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| regime politics mostly seeks to accommodate, not challenge the city's decay |
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| generally see local and regional politics as way stations to the power and fortunes of national officialdom |
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| Party factions and constant manuevering |
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| among political chieftains for pretty advantage are a fundamental part of the system's power are unable to maintain the alliances necessary to govern |
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| has weak civic group life, many voluntary associations serve as extension of party leaders who frequently head the local clubs and associations. They are used more to promote the careers of individuals rather than the interest of the group |
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| works in 2 directions. Once focuses on using the public sector to maintain and expand the horizontal networks of clients that form the bade of political cooperation. The other seeks to manage the supply of resources through the maintenance of vertical political networks that bring together national and local-party power brokers |
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Definition
| enables vast amounts of reconstruction assistance to line the pockets of local politicians and their clientele even though Naples was not particularly hard hit by the earthquake |
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| overlapping networks of politicians |
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Definition
| ensure city access to ill-monitored emergency aid programs. This lasted for a dozen years. Various laws were written so that there was a wall of separation between national overseers and those implementing projects |
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| political free-for all broke out |
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Definition
| due to huge sums of money that poured into the region and restrictions were lifted by Rome |
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| larger firms from the North |
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Definition
| subcontracted with smaller companies (often owned by the mob) and made payments to obtain the consent of local Camorra bosees in the work zones. Local politicians acted as brokers by distributing and extracting payoffs from all of these players for their services. Costs quickly inflated. |
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| business interests freely mixed |
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| urban renewal project remains only half finished |
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| sent scores of Neapolitan politicians to jail, new electoral laws were passed and voters punished incumbent politicians |
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| Reinvigorated old neglected construction projects |
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Definition
| in some cases he needed to do little more than open virtually finished roadways, swimming pools, sewers, and other improvements that had been ignored during the go-go days of reconstruction and corruption |
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| new money became available from the national government to clean up the city |
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| seek solutions to their problems by marketing public asset for whatever can be obtained |
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| hot July morning rioting broke out in Detroit after police raided after-hours drinking club |
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| lacks strong indigenous black middle class. lack of educated base limits the ability to generate home grown small business |
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| borrowed money, tapped in to city surpluses and used bonding authority to house the city's sports teams. Set a precedent. There will never again be a stadium built by private enterprise |
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| city responded when General Motors was looking for a new plant site |
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Central Industrial Park
Economic Development Corporation
Poletown Neighborhood Council |
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